[Living without atomic power? Carl Friedrich von Weizsäcker as expert in the nuclear energy debate of the 1970's]. / Ohne Atomkraft leben? Carl Friedrich von Weizsäcker als Experte in der Kernenergiedebatte der 1970er Jahre.

Carl Friedrich von Weizsäcker crossed the boundaries separating science, politics and the public sphere. In this he was led by the conviction that scientists in the modern 'technical age' are responsible for consequences resulting from their applied knowledge. Weizsäcker tried to introduce his knowledge into the policy process by advising politicians or by using the public sphere, thus applying pressure on politics. This was not only true for the 'Göttinger Erklärung' in 1957 but also for his engagement in the nuclear energy debate of the 1970s. Influenced by the 'Limits to Growth' discourse, Weizsäcker more and more gravitated towards an ecological world view and increasingly questioned material growth as well as a techno-scientific based understanding of progress. Weizsäcker thought about risks of the technical age in general and of the use of nuclear energy in particular. In the light of a growing fragmentation of scientific authority, Weizsäcker revealed uncertainty as he became fully aware that expertise cannot be based on scientific reason and cannot code the problems in terms of truth, but is inextricably linked with value spheres and contingencies. Nevertheless, his expertise was utilized as he encouraged parts of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) around Erhard Eppler to think about alternatives in energy policy.

The civilizing process in London's Old Bailey.

The jury trial is a critical point where the state and its citizens come together to define the limits of acceptable behavior. Here we present a large-scale quantitative analysis of trial transcripts from the Old Bailey that reveal a major transition in the nature of this defining moment. By coarse-graining the spoken word testimony into synonym sets and dividing the trials based on indictment, we demonstrate the emergence of semantically distinct violent and nonviolent trial genres. We show that although in the late 18th century the semantic content of trials for violent offenses is functionally indistinguishable from that for nonviolent ones, a long-term, secular trend drives the system toward increasingly clear distinctions between violent and nonviolent acts. We separate this process into the shifting patterns that drive it, determine the relative effects of bureaucratic change and broader cultural shifts, and identify the synonym sets most responsible for the eventual genre distinguishability. This work provides a new window onto the cultural and institutional changes that accompany the monopolization of violence by the state, described in qualitative historical analysis as the civilizing process.

Instituições, confinamento e relações de poder: questões metodológicas no pensamento de Michel Foucault / Instituciones, confinamiento y relaciones de poder: cuestiones metodológicas en el pensamiento de Michel Foucault / Institutions, confinement and power relations: methodological issues in the thought of Michel Foucault

O artigo trata de uma discussão sobre a análise de instituições a partir do pensamento de Michel Foucault. Um dos objetivos é interrogar a afirmação de que Foucault definiu os mecanismos disciplinares como restritos ao confinamento em algumas instituições. Visa-se ressaltar que as relações de poder não eram propriedade de uma instituição ou apenas restritas ao Estado. Busca-se pensar como as tecnologias biopolíticas também extrapolam o âmbito estatal e operam governos das condutas por meio de articulações e composições e não ficam apenas fixadas em uma entidade de maneira naturalizada. Outro ponto tratado é o questionamento realizado por Foucault da visão de poder apenas como repressão e massificação operada pelas instituições. Finaliza-se, apontando a preocupação central de Foucault, qual seja, a análise das práticas, e não apenas das instituições.(AU)

El artículo es una discusión sobre el análisis de las instituciones del pensamiento de Michel Foucault. Uno de los objetivos es cuestionar la afirmación en el que Foucault define los mecanismos disciplinarios como restringido al confinamiento en algunas instituciones. Cuya finalidad es destacar que las relaciones de poder no eran propiedad de una institución o restricta al Estado. En el que busca pensar cómo las tecnologías bio-políticas también extrapolan el ámbito estatal y operan gobiernos de las conductas por medio de articulaciones y composiciones y no quedan apenas fija en una entidad de manera naturalizada. Otro punto relevante es el cuestionamiento hecho por la visión del poder de Foucault apenas como represión y masificación operada por instituciones. Finaliza apuntando la preocupación central de Foucault, , el análisis de las prácticas, no sólo apenas de las instituciones.(AU)

The article is a discussion on the analysis of institutions from the thought of Michel Foucault. One goal is to interrogate the claim that Foucault's disciplinary mechanisms defined as restricted to confinement in some institutions. The aim is to point out that power relations were not owned by an institution or just restricted to the state. The aim is to think how the biopolitical technologies also surpass the state level by governments and operate the pipeline through the joints and compositions and unfixed in an essential entity. Another point addressed is the questioning conducted by Foucault's vision of power as repression and mass operated by the institutions. Ends pointing to the central concern of Foucault, namely the analysis of practices and not institutions.(AU)

Instituições, confinamento e relações de poder: questões metodológicas no pensamento de Michel Foucault / Instituciones, confinamiento y relaciones de poder: cuestiones metodológicas en el pensamiento de Michel Foucault / Institutions, confinement and power relations: methodological issues in the thought of Michel Foucault

O artigo trata de uma discussão sobre a análise de instituições a partir do pensamento de Michel Foucault. Um dos objetivos é interrogar a afirmação de que Foucault definiu os mecanismos disciplinares como restritos ao confinamento em algumas instituições. Visa-se ressaltar que as relações de poder não eram propriedade de uma instituição ou apenas restritas ao Estado. Busca-se pensar como as tecnologias biopolíticas também extrapolam o âmbito estatal e operam governos das condutas por meio de articulações e composições e não ficam apenas fixadas em uma entidade de maneira naturalizada. Outro ponto tratado é o questionamento realizado por Foucault da visão de poder apenas como repressão e massificação operada pelas instituições. Finaliza-se, apontando a preocupação central de Foucault, qual seja, a análise das práticas, e não apenas das instituições.

El artículo es una discusión sobre el análisis de las instituciones del pensamiento de Michel Foucault. Uno de los objetivos es cuestionar la afirmación en el que Foucault define los mecanismos disciplinarios como restringido al confinamiento en algunas instituciones. Cuya finalidad es destacar que las relaciones de poder no eran propiedad de una institución o restricta al Estado. En el que busca pensar cómo las tecnologías bio-políticas también extrapolan el ámbito estatal y operan gobiernos de las conductas por medio de articulaciones y composiciones y no quedan apenas fija en una entidad de manera naturalizada. Otro punto relevante es el cuestionamiento hecho por la visión del poder de Foucault apenas como represión y masificación operada por instituciones. Finaliza apuntando la preocupación central de Foucault, , el análisis de las prácticas, no sólo apenas de las instituciones.

The article is a discussion on the analysis of institutions from the thought of Michel Foucault. One goal is to interrogate the claim that Foucault's disciplinary mechanisms defined as restricted to confinement in some institutions. The aim is to point out that power relations were not owned by an institution or just restricted to the state. The aim is to think how the biopolitical technologies also surpass the state level by governments and operate the pipeline through the joints and compositions and unfixed in an essential entity. Another point addressed is the questioning conducted by Foucault's vision of power as repression and mass operated by the institutions. Ends pointing to the central concern of Foucault, namely the analysis of practices and not institutions.

[The boycott against German scientists and the German language after World War I]. / Der Boykott gegen die deutschen Wissenschaftler und die deutsche Sprache nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg.

After the First World War, the Allied academies of sciences staged a boycott against German scientists and the German language. The objective of the boycott was to prevent the re-establishment of the prewar dominance of German scientists, the German language and German publications in the area of international scientific cooperation. Therefore the Allies excluded German scientists and the German language from international associations, congresses and publications, while they created new international scientific organizations under their leadership. Medical associations and congresses were also affected, e. g. congresses on surgery, ophthalmology and tuberculosis. Allied physicians replaced the "International Anti-Tuberculosis Association" founded in Berlin in 1902 with the "Union Internationale contre la Tuberculose"/"International Union against Tuberculosis", founded in Paris in 1920. Only French and English were used as the official languages of the new scientific organizations, just as in the League of Nations. The boycott was based on the fact that the German scientists had denied German war guilt and war crimes and glorified German militarism in a manifesto "To The Civilized World!" in 1914. The boycott first started in 1919 and had to be abolished in 1926, when Germany became a member of the League of Nations. Many German and foreign physicians as well as other scientists protested against the boycott. Some German scientists and institutions even staged a counter-boycott impeding the resumption of international collaboration. The boycott entailed an enduring decline of German as an international scientific language. After the Second World War scientists of the victorious Western Powers implemented a complete reorganization of the international scientific arena, based on the same organizational structures and language restrictions they had built up in 1919/1920. At the same time scientists from the U.S.A. staged an active language and publication policy, in order to establish the dominance of English in the international scientific arena.

Escritura del testimonio / Writing the testimony

En los procesos judiciales en los que se juzgan los crímenes del terrorismo de Estado es frecuente encontrar, luego de la declaración testimonial, una reticencia entre los testigos que fueron víctimas, a que su palabra circule en otros ámbitos. ¿A qué responde esta limitación? Si el testimonio fue hecho público en instancia judicial, exige una aclaración de tal término. La instancia judicial reclama al testigo una palabra documental, despojando al relato de su carácter ficcional. Esto produce, por una parte, una palabra que es la repetición misma de la situación de violencia extrema.

Escritura del testimonio / Writing the testimony

En los procesos judiciales en los que se juzgan los crímenes del terrorismo de Estado es frecuente encontrar, luego de la declaración testimonial, una reticencia entre los testigos que fueron víctimas, a que su palabra circule en otros ámbitos. ¿A qué responde esta limitación? Si el testimonio fue hecho público en instancia judicial, exige una aclaración de tal término. La instancia judicial reclama al testigo una palabra documental, despojando al relato de su carácter ficcional. Esto produce, por una parte, una palabra que es la repetición misma de la situación de violencia extrema.(AU)

Médicos, medicina popular e inquisição: a repressão das curas mágicas em Portugal durante o Iluminismo / Doctors, Folk Medicine and the Inquisition: The Repression of Magical Healing in Portugal during the Enlightenment

Este é um trabalho altamente original que combina fontes da história da Inquisição e da história da medicina (assim como muitas outras). Examina a enorme contradição de profissionais médicos treinados durante o Iluminismo português que utilizavam o aparato repressivo da Inquisição para eliminar seus competidores mais rústicos e (na sua maioria) iletrados: os curandeiros populares. Baseia-se em documentação de numerosos arquivos em Lisboa, Évora e Londres. O que está no cerne deste livro - e o distingue - é a análise da equação de interesses envolvidos na perseguição a curandeiros na Inquisição portuguesa. O autor demonstra que, por trás dessas perseguições, havia uma concorrência: de um lado, uma classe emergente de profissionais médicos formados; de outro, praticantes da cura nas comunidades. Sob a crescente influência dos primeiros, aumentam as hostilidades contra os segundos, aos quais são imputadas acusações e aplicados castigos

Aboriginal women and Asian men: a maritime history of color in white Australia.

In 1901, Broome­a port town on the northwest edge of the Australian continent­was one of the principal and most lucrative industrial pearling centers in the world and entirely dependent on Asian indentured labor. Relations between Asian crews and local Aboriginal people were strong, at a time when the project of White Australia was being pursued with vigorous, often fanatical dedication across the newly federated continent. It was the policing of Aboriginal women, specifically their relations with Asian men, that became the focus of efforts by authorities and missionaries to uphold and defend their commitment to the White Australia policy. This article examines the historical experience of Aboriginal women in the pearling industry of northwest Australia and the story of Asian-Aboriginal cohabitation in the face of oppressive laws and regulations. It then explores the meaning of "color" in contemporary Broome for the descendants of this mixed heritage today.

Self-sale and voluntary entry into unfreedom, 300-1100.

Voluntary entry into unfreedom in late antiquity and the early middle ages has tended to be interpreted as anything but voluntary: instead, self-sales and autodeditions have been seen mostly in terms of coercion, whether by force or by necessity, and associated with particular moments of social crisis. This article argues that the sensitive nature of the topic resulted in an exceptionally misleading representation of self-sales in the legal and literary sources, albeit in divergent ways. Roman and Byzantine law treated self-sale as illegal, while at the same time leaving room for manoeuvre in practice, and took a very judgmental view of self-sellers. Early Christian sources, on the contrary, took them as emblematic of the oppression of the poor, and harnessed them for political admonishment, presenting self-sellers as passive victims of rapacious buyers and bad governance. While diametrically different in their presentation of the moral significance of self-sales, law and literary sources both therefore contribute to the impression that the distinction between free and unfree was the most important social divide. Documentary sources, by contrast, present a very different picture, suggesting a higher degree of continuity (and perhaps frequency) in this practice, but also that it could be the object of active and careful negotiation and bargaining, with people in different social and economic circumstances using free status as an asset for a variety of purposes and in a very instrumental way, far removed in its concerns from the elite discourse which took freedom as an essential value.

The British welfare state and mental health problems: the continuing relevance of the work of Claus Offe.

It is now over thirty years since Claus Offe theorised the crisis tendencies of the welfare state in late capitalism. As part of that work he explored ongoing and irresolvable forms of crisis management in parliamentary democracies: capitalism cannot live with the welfare state but also cannot live without it. This article examines the continued relevance of this analysis by Offe, by applying its basic assumptions to the response of the British welfare state to mental health problems, at the turn of the twenty first century. His general theoretical abstractions are tested against the empirical picture of mental health service priorities, evident since the 1980s, in sections dealing with: re-commodification tendencies; the ambiguity of wage labour in the mental health workforce; the emergence of new social movements; and the limits of legalism.

South Africa: a legacy of family disruption.

This article draws together unusual characteristics of the legacy of apartheid in South Africa: the state-orchestrated destruction of family life, high rates of unemployment and a high prevalence of HIV/AIDS. The disruption of family life has resulted in a situation in which many women have to fulfil the role of both breadwinner and care giver in a context of high unemployment and very limited economic opportunities. The question that follows is: given this crisis of care, to what extent can or will social protection and employment-related social policies provide the support women and children need?

Who cares in Nicaragua? A care regime in an exclusionary social policy context.

In Latin American countries with historically strong social policy regimes (such as those in the Southern Cone), neoliberal policies are usually blamed for the increased burden of female unpaid work. However, studying the Nicaraguan care regime in two clearly defined periods ­ the Sandinista and the neoliberal eras ­ suggests that this argument may not hold in the case of countries with highly familialist social policy regimes. Despite major economic, political and policy shifts, the role of female unpaid work, both within the family and in the community, remains persistent and pivotal, and was significant long before the onset of neoliberal policies. Nicaragua's care regime has been highly dependent on the 'community' or 'voluntary' work of mostly women. This has also been, and continues to be, vital for the viability of many public social programmes.

Maternalism, race, class and citizenship: aspects of illegitimate motherhood in Nazi Germany.

This article juxtaposes three types of illegitimate motherhood that came in the wake of the Second World War in Nazi Germany. The first found institutional support in the Lebensborn project, an elite effort to raise the flagging birth-rates, which at the same time turned a new page in the history of sexuality. The second came before the lower courts in the form of paternity and guardianship suits that had a long precedent, and the third was a social practice that the regime considered a 'mass crime' among its female citizenry: namely, forbidden unions between German women and prisoners of war. Through these cases the article addresses issues such as morality, sexuality, paternity, citizenship and welfarism. The flesh-and-blood stories have been culled from the Lebensborn Dossiers and Special Court files, as well as cases from the lower courts.

Surveillance as cultural practice.

This special section of The Sociological Quarterly explores research on "surveillance as cultural practice," which indicates an orientation to surveillance that views it as embedded within, brought about by, and generative of social practices in specific cultural contexts. Such an approach is more likely to include elements of popular culture, media, art, and narrative; it is also more likely to try to comprehend people's engagement with surveillance on their own terms, stressing the production of emic over etic forms of knowledge. This introduction sketches some key developments in this area and discusses their implications for the field of "surveillance studies" as a whole.